Medical practice by the Colima people and other societies of the Shaft Tomb Tradition without metalworking in Western Mexico

 

by Mary Harrsch © 2025

In my first article about the Colima people of west Mexico, I focused on their artwork depicting fattened dogs and the importance of dogs for both dietary and ritual purposes. In addition to their dog sculptures, the ancient Colima between 300 BCE and 500 CE are also known for their distinctive ceramic figurines depicting illness, physical deformities, and medical conditions.

Male figurine West Mexico Colima 300 BCE - 300 CE Earthenware photographed at the deYoung Museum in San Francisco, California by Mary Harrsch	Seated figure Mexico Colima 300 BCE-300 CE Earthenware photographed at the deYoung Museum in San Francisco, California by Mary Harrsch
Earthenware standing figure holding a bowl Colima 300 BCE - 300 CE West Mexico photographed at the deYoung Museum in San Francisco, California by Mary Harrsch	Earthenware standing figure holding a bowl Colima 300 BCE - 300 CE West Mexico photographed at the deYoung Museum in San Francisco, California by Mary Harrsch
Earthenware Musician with gourd Colima 300 BCE - 300 CE photographed at the deYoung Museum in San Francisco, California by Mary Harrsch	Earthenware Musician with gourd Colima 300 BCE - 300 CE photographed at the deYoung Museum in San Francisco, California by Mary Harrsch
Earthenware standing Colima figure West Mexico 300 BCE - 300 CE photographed at the deYoung Museum in San Francisco, California by Mary Harrsch	Dancing figures, West Mexico, Colima, 300 BCE to 300 CE, earthenware, photographed at the deYoung Museum in San Francisco, California by Wikimedia Commons contributor Daderot

ClaudeAI elaborates: “The Colima figurines are notable for their realistic portrayals of various physical conditions, including:

• Obesity and other body types
• Hunchbacks and spinal deformities
• Dwarfism
• Various skin conditions
• Facial deformities and cleft palates
• Individuals with missing limbs

Archaeologists have found significant concentrations of these figurines in burial sites and settlements throughout the Colima region, particularly in the shaft tomb tradition characteristic of western Mexican cultures. These figurines are often referred to as "medical models" or "diagnostic figurines" because of their apparent anatomical accuracy.

The purpose of these figurines remains somewhat debated among scholars. Some interpretations suggest they may have had ritual significance related to healing practices, while others propose they might represent ancestors or important community members who lived with these conditions. They might also have served educational purposes for healers within these communities.

The Colima figurines represent one of the most detailed ancient artistic traditions depicting human pathology and physical diversity in pre-Columbian Mesoamerica.”

However, despite an apparent knowledge of human pathology, archaeologists have been unable to identify with certainty stone tools that may have served medical purposes in a shaman or healer’s toolkit.

ClaudeAI said: “Archaeological evidence for specialized medical instruments in Colima settlements is limited compared to the abundant figurines depicting medical conditions. However, some artifacts have been discovered that might have had medical applications:

1. Obsidian blades and cutting tools that could have been used for procedures like bloodletting, minor surgeries, or scarification
2. Bone needles and awls that may have served for wound suturing or draining abscesses
3. Ceramic vessels that potentially contained medicinal preparations
4. Stone grinding tools that could have been used to prepare herbal remedies and medicines

The interpretation of these items as specifically medical is often contextual rather than definitive, as many tools served multiple purposes in ancient societies. Unlike some other Mesoamerican cultures where specialized medical instruments have been more clearly identified, the Colima evidence is more suggestive than conclusive.

What's particularly interesting is the contrast between the detailed and anatomically accurate figurines depicting illness and the relative scarcity of specialized medical implements. This suggests the Colima people had sophisticated observational knowledge of medical conditions, even if their treatment approaches may have relied more on botanical medicines, spiritual practices, or relatively simple tools that were also used for other purposes.”

I thought perhaps this may be the result of a lack of metalworking.  ChatGPT agreed to some extent:

“Yes, the lack of metalworking in the shaft tomb cultures of West Mexico (such as those of Colima, Nayarit, and Jalisco, c. 300 BCE–400 CE) would have significantly influenced the development of medical instruments. However, it may not have completely prevented medical procedures, as stone and obsidian tools could have served as effective substitutes [for some procedures.}”

Impact of No Metalworking on Medical Practices

1. Surgical Limitations
• Cultures with metal tools (such as those in Mesoamerica during the Postclassic period or Bronze Age Eurasia) could create finer, more durable, and reusable medical instruments.
• The absence of metal scalpels, forceps, and needles in West Mexican shaft tomb cultures likely meant a reliance on sharpened obsidian, stone, or bone tools, which, while extremely sharp, are also brittle and require more careful handling.
2. Alternative Cutting Tools
• Obsidian blades: Known for their exceptional sharpness—finer than modern surgical steel—obsidian could have been used for lancing abscesses, bloodletting, or even rudimentary surgeries like trepanation (as seen in other Mesoamerican cultures).
• Stone knives and scrapers: These could have been used in wound care, amputation, or other medical treatments but would lack the precision of metal scalpels.
3. Evidence from Colima Figurines
• Colima figurines display realistic depictions of human pathology, including hunchbacks, tumors, facial deformities, and possible representations of diseases like polio or clubfoot.
• This suggests a high level of observational knowledge of human health and disease, but whether this knowledge translated into medical interventions remains unclear.
• If surgery or medical treatment was practiced, the tools would have been perishable (wood, bone) or stone-based, which are harder to identify archaeologically.
4. Ethnographic Comparisons
• Later Mesoamerican cultures, like the Aztecs and Maya, had sophisticated medical knowledge using herbal remedies and obsidian scalpels for bloodletting and minor surgical procedures.
• Some indigenous traditions survived into the colonial period, documenting practices such as cauterization and wound stitching using maguey thorns instead of metal needles—techniques that may have parallels in earlier shaft tomb cultures.

Conclusion

The lack of metalworking would have limited, but not entirely prevented, the development of medical instruments in shaft tomb cultures. The use of obsidian and stone tools could have supported certain medical interventions, but without metal, more delicate procedures (e.g., suturing, internal surgery) would have been difficult. The detailed pathological observations in Colima figurines suggest an awareness of illness and deformity, but without direct evidence of surgical tools, their medical interventions likely relied more on external treatments and possibly ritual healing.”

ChatGPT offered comparison of Colima possible medical practices with those of other non-metalworking cultures:

“Comparison of Colima (Shaft Tomb Culture) with Other Non-Metalworking Cultures in Medical Instrument Development

Several cultures around the world developed medical practices without access to metal tools, relying on stone, bone, wood, and obsidian. Below is a comparison between the Colima shaft tomb culture and other non-metalworking societies with evidence of medical interventions.

---

1. Colima (West Mexico Shaft Tomb Culture, c. 300 BCE–400 CE)

Medical Evidence

• Colima figurines depict a variety of human ailments, including hunchbacks, missing limbs, facial deformities, and possibly infectious diseases.
• No definitive evidence of surgical tools, though obsidian and stone knives were common in West Mexico.
• Possible use of herbal remedies, inferred from broader Mesoamerican traditions (e.g., the later Aztecs’ extensive herbal pharmacopoeia).
• No confirmed trepanation cases, unlike other pre-Columbian cultures.

Challenges Due to Lack of Metal

• Obsidian blades were available but brittle, limiting complex procedures.
• No metal needles or clamps meant that wound stitching, cauterization, and internal surgery were difficult or impossible.

---

2. Chinchorro Culture (Chile & Peru, c. 7000–1500 BCE)

Medical Evidence

• Practiced advanced mummification techniques thousands of years before Egypt.
• Used stone tools to remove organs and preserve the body, implying knowledge of anatomy.
• Some evidence of cranial modification but no confirmed surgery.

Comparison with Colima

• More advanced mortuary practices, suggesting detailed anatomical knowledge.
• Both cultures showed awareness of human pathology, but Chinchorro’s advanced mummification suggests greater hands-on intervention.
• Like Colima, no metal tools, but flint and stone were used for body modifications.

---

3. Paracas Culture (Peru, c. 800 BCE–100 CE)

Medical Evidence

• Trepanation (cranial surgery): Many Paracas skulls show evidence of drilling, with high survival rates, indicating post-surgical care.
• Used obsidian and sharp stone tools for cutting.
• Textiles were possibly used as bandages or for wound dressing.

Comparison with Colima

• Paracas practiced surgery, while Colima did not (as far as we know).
• Both had knowledge of human pathology, but Paracas had direct surgical interventions.
• Obsidian and stone tools were used for medical purposes in both cultures, but Paracas used them for skull surgery, a practice absent in West Mexico.

---

4. Indigenous Australian Cultures (50,000 BCE–present, pre-metal age before European contact)

Medical Evidence

• Use of sharp stone tools for minor surgeries, such as lancing boils and circumcision.
• Bone and shell tools for dental work.
• Cauterization and bloodletting were common healing practices.

Comparison with Colima

• Both cultures relied on non-metal tools, but Australian cultures used burning and cauterization, while there is no evidence Colima did.
• Australian cultures actively performed minor surgical procedures, whereas Colima’s medical interventions remain unclear.

---

5. Hawaiian & Polynesian Cultures (pre-contact period, before 18th century CE)

Medical Evidence

• Shark-tooth scalpels and obsidian knives used for surgical procedures, including lancing abscesses, tattooing, and bone-setting.
• Trepanation was rare but existed in some Polynesian cultures.
• Coconut fibers were used for suturing wounds, a substitute for metal needles.

Comparison with Colima

• Polynesians had a more developed surgical tradition, with documented wound treatment methods.
• Use of sharp organic materials (shark teeth) was a parallel to Colima’s obsidian tools.
• Polynesians had more documented external medical interventions, while Colima’s medical practices remain speculative.

---

Conclusions: Colima vs. Other Non-Metalworking Cultures

1. Medical Awareness

• Colima figurines suggest highly detailed observations of human pathology, similar to Paracas and Chinchorro mortuary practices.
• However, there is no direct evidence that Colima used this knowledge for surgery as Paracas did.

2. Surgical Tools

• Colima, like Paracas and Polynesians, had obsidian blades, but the latter cultures used them for surgical interventions.
• Colima’s lack of metal tools limited precision but did not necessarily prevent procedures like lancing infections or simple wound care.

3. Unique Characteristics

• Paracas and Polynesians showed direct surgical applications, whereas Colima’s medical knowledge seems more observational than practiced.
• Chinchorro’s mortuary practices were sophisticated, but Colima did not display similar post-mortem interventions beyond burial customs.

Final Thoughts

While Colima had detailed anatomical knowledge, its lack of metal tools likely prevented advanced medical procedures, unlike cultures such as Paracas and Polynesians, who developed stone-based surgical techniques. If Colima practiced medicine, it was likely herbal, external, or limited to wound care rather than surgical intervention.

Possible Medicinal Plants and Healing Rituals in Colima’s Shaft Tomb Culture

While no written records survive from the Colima (Shaft Tomb) culture, we can infer possible medicinal practices based on later Mesoamerican traditions, archaeological evidence, and the prevalence of healing-focused figurines in certain sites. Many of the plants used by the Aztecs, Maya, and contemporary Indigenous groups were likely available to the Colima people as well.

---

1. Medicinal Plants That May Have Been Used in Colima Healing Centers

🌿 Pain Relief & Anesthesia

• Cacao (Theobroma cacao) – The Maya and Aztecs used cacao in medicinal drinks to treat fatigue and inflammation. It may have had a similar role in West Mexico.
• Toloache (Datura stramonium) – A powerful hallucinogen and anesthetic used by Indigenous healers across Mesoamerica. Often used in shamanic rituals, it may have helped dull pain or induce trance states during healing ceremonies.
• Wild Tobacco (Nicotiana rustica) – Used as a painkiller and antiseptic. Indigenous healers would chew or apply tobacco poultices to wounds or infected areas.

🌱 Antiseptics & Wound Treatment

• Copal (Bursera spp.) – Resin burned in ceremonies but also applied to wounds as a natural antiseptic.
• Aloe Vera (Aloe spp.) – Used for treating burns, wounds, and skin infections. Aloe grows naturally in Mexico and may have been part of Colima healing.
• Agave (Agave spp.) – Agave sap was used to disinfect wounds, and its fibers were sometimes used as sutures.
• Obsidian Dust (Volcanic Glass Fragments) – Obsidian knives are known, but fine obsidian powder was sometimes used in later Mesoamerican medicine as an antibacterial agent for wound dressing.

🍵 Digestive & Internal Ailments

• Epazote (Dysphania ambrosioides) – Used widely in Mesoamerica for treating parasites and digestive issues.
• Guava Leaves (Psidium guajava) – Known for their antibacterial properties, these leaves may have been chewed or brewed into teas for stomach issues.
• Hoja Santa (Piper auritum) – A plant with both culinary and medicinal uses, known for treating coughs, fever, and respiratory infections.

---

2. Healing Rituals and Shamanic Practices

🔥 Sweat Lodges (Temazcal)

• Sweat lodges (temazcales) were common in Mesoamerican cultures, and evidence of similar practices may exist in West Mexico.
• Used for:
• Detoxification and purification.
• Treating respiratory illnesses.
• Healing joint and muscle pain.
• A shaman might use herbal steam infusions by throwing medicinal plants like epazote, sage, and eucalyptus onto heated stones.

🩸 Bloodletting & Cupping

• While evidence of bloodletting in Colima is unclear, it was widespread in Mesoamerica as a way to balance health, release illness, or appease spirits.
• Obsidian blades, sharp thorns, or stingray spines may have been used for small incisions in healing rituals.

👤 Healing Through Figurines & Effigies

• Some Colima figurines may have been used as effigies in healing rituals—possibly as prayer objects or representations of sick individuals to absorb illness.
• Similar to later Mesoamerican practices, a shaman might have:
• Buried, burned, or offered the figurine to rid a person of disease.
• Used it in divination rituals to determine the cause of an illness.

🌬️ Use of Hallucinogens in Shamanic Healing

• Peyote (Lophophora williamsii) – Found in nearby regions, peyote was a sacred hallucinogen used in healing and vision quests. Shamans may have used it to diagnose illnesses or communicate with spirits.
• Datura (Toloache) – As mentioned earlier, it was potent but dangerous, inducing trances for shamanic healing.

---

3. Did the Colima Have Surgical Practices?

• No skeletal evidence confirms surgeries, trepanations, or bone-setting in Colima culture.
• However, given their advanced anatomical knowledge (as seen in figurines), it’s possible they practiced non-invasive treatments like massage therapy, wound care, and herbal medicine.
• Obsidian scalpels could have been used for minor surgical procedures, as seen in later Mesoamerican cultures.

---

Final Thoughts

• The presence of healing centers, realistic disease depictions, and medicinal plant availability suggests the Colima had a structured healing system, likely led by shamans or specialized healers.
• They may have relied on herbal medicine, ritual purification, and effigy-based healing, rather than invasive surgery.
• The lack of metal tools may have limited the development of precise surgical techniques but did not prevent sophisticated healing traditions.

 

If you enjoyed this post, never miss out on future posts by following me by email!

Fattened dogs of Colima art

 by Mary Harrsch © 2025

As I worked on images of Colima art this morning, I noticed their art seemed to be less stylized than that of their neighbors, the Jalisco and Nayarit peoples. The Colima region was strategically located near trade routes that connected western Mexico to central Mexico, the Pacific coast, and even as far south as Central America. These trade networks facilitated the exchange of goods, ideas, and artistic styles.

Urbanized centers like Teotihuacan (in central Mexico) and Monte Albán (in Oaxaca) were known for their more naturalistic artistic traditions. Through trade and interaction, the Colima people may have been exposed to these styles and incorporated them into their own art. While there is no direct evidence of Teotihuacan controlling or colonizing the Colima region, the presence of Teotihuacan-style artifacts and motifs in western Mexico suggests some level of cultural exchange.

Playful Puppies earthenware 300 BCE-300CE Colima Mexico photographed at the de Young Museum in San Francisco, California by Mary Harrsch	Dog scratching its head, Colima, West Mexico 300 BCE - 300 CE Earthenware de Young Museum photographed at the de Young Museum in San Francisco, California by Mary Harrsch
Seated dog West Mexico Ancient Colima 300 BCE-300 CE Earthenware photographed at the de Young Museum in San Francisco, California by Mary Harrsch	Seated dog West Mexico Ancient Colima 300 BCE-300 CE Earthenware photographed at the de Young Museum in San Francisco, California by Mary Harrsch
Lying dog West Mexico Ancient Colima 300 BCE - 300 CE earthenware photographed at the de Young Museum in San Francisco, California by Mary Harrsch

This realism is particularly evident in the Colima's famed fattened dog ceramics. As a dog lover, I find them cute, but ultimately distressing as they indicate the dogs were probably raised for consumption. I don't understand why a coastal culture with abundant marine resources would need to use dogs for food so I asked DeepSeek about it:

"The practice of raising dogs for food in ancient Colima, despite the abundance of marine resources, can be understood through a combination of cultural, practical, and environmental factors:

Cultural Significance: Dogs held a special place in many Mesoamerican cultures, not only as a food source but also for their symbolic and ritual importance. In Colima, the Colima dog (a hairless breed similar to the Xoloitzcuintli) was likely valued for its role in ceremonies, as a companion in the afterlife, and as a source of protein. Dogs were sometimes associated with deities or used in offerings, which could have elevated their status beyond mere sustenance.

Reliable Protein Source: While the sea provided abundant resources, fishing and shellfish gathering could be unpredictable due to seasonal changes, storms, or overharvesting. Raising dogs for food provided a stable and controllable source of protein that was not dependent on environmental conditions. Dogs could be bred and raised in settlements, ensuring a consistent food supply.

Nutritional Diversity: Relying solely on marine resources could lead to a monotonous diet. Raising dogs for meat would have added variety to the diet, providing different nutrients and flavors. This diversification could have been important for overall health and well-being.

Practicality and Mobility: Dogs are relatively easy to raise and require less space and resources compared to larger livestock like deer or turkeys. For a coastal culture like Colima, where land might have been limited or used for other purposes, dogs were a practical choice for meat production.

Trade and Exchange: Dogs might have been raised not only for local consumption but also for trade with inland communities. Coastal cultures often engaged in trade networks, and dogs could have been a valuable commodity exchanged for goods not available near the coast.

Environmental Adaptation: The coastal environment of Colima, while rich in marine resources, might not have been suitable for large-scale agriculture or livestock farming. Dogs, being adaptable and easy to feed, would have been a more feasible option for meat production in such an environment.

In summary, the inhabitants of ancient Colima likely raised dogs for food as part of a broader strategy to ensure a stable and diverse food supply, while also honoring cultural and ritual practices. The practice reflects a pragmatic adaptation to their environment and resources, balancing the abundance of the sea with the reliability of domesticated animals."

I wondered if any other cultures in ancient Mexico raised dogs for food.

"Several ancient cultures in Mexico raised and fattened dogs for food, ritual purposes, or companionship. The practice was particularly notable in Mesoamerican societies, where dogs held both practical and symbolic significance. Here are some cultures that engaged in this practice:

Aztecs: The Aztecs raised a hairless dog breed known as the Xoloitzcuintli (or Xolo) for food, companionship, and ritual purposes. These dogs were considered sacred and were associated with the god Xolotl, who guided the dead to the underworld. Xolos were also fattened and consumed during special ceremonies or feasts.

Maya: The Maya also raised dogs, including hairless varieties, for food and ritual use. Archaeological evidence suggests that dogs were part of the Maya diet, and they were sometimes included in burials as companions for the deceased or as offerings to the gods.

Toltecs: The Toltecs, who influenced later cultures like the Aztecs, are believed to have raised dogs for similar purposes. Dogs appear in Toltec art and iconography, suggesting their importance in both daily life and religious practices.

Zapotecs: In Oaxaca, the Zapotec civilization raised dogs for food and ritual use. Dogs were sometimes buried with their owners, indicating their role as companions in life and the afterlife.

Tarascans (Purépecha): The Tarascan civilization in western Mexico, contemporary with the Aztecs, also raised dogs for food and ceremonial purposes. They were known to have a diverse diet that included domesticated animals like dogs.

Teotihuacan: While less is known about the specific role of dogs in Teotihuacan, archaeological evidence suggests that dogs were part of the diet and may have been used in rituals. The city's influence on later Mesoamerican cultures implies that dog-raising practices were likely present.

Common Themes:

Ritual and Symbolism: In many of these cultures, dogs were not just a food source but also held spiritual significance. They were often associated with the underworld, death, and guidance for the deceased.

Practicality: Dogs were relatively easy to raise and provided a reliable source of protein, especially in regions where other domesticated animals were scarce.

Trade and Status: Fattened dogs might have been a luxury item, consumed by elites or used in trade networks to acquire other goods.

In summary, raising and fattening dogs was a widespread practice in ancient Mexico, particularly among the Aztecs, Maya, Toltecs, Zapotecs, Tarascans, and possibly Teotihuacan. These cultures valued dogs for their nutritional, ritual, and symbolic roles, reflecting the interconnectedness of food, religion, and daily life in Mesoamerica."

But the Colimas are known for their sculptures of fattened dogs. Are such dogs portrayed in other contemporaneous cultures of ancient Mexico?

"The Colima culture is indeed renowned for its distinctive ceramic sculptures of fattened dogs, which are among the most iconic artifacts from this region. These sculptures depict dogs with rounded, plump bodies, often interpreted as representations of dogs raised for food or ritual purposes. While the Colima dog sculptures are particularly famous, depictions of dogs—including fattened ones—appear in other contemporaneous cultures of ancient Mexico, though they are less common or stylistically distinct. Here’s a look at how dogs were portrayed in other cultures:

1. Aztecs

The Aztecs, who postdate the Colima culture but inherited many Mesoamerican traditions, depicted dogs in their art, though not as prominently as the Colima. The Xoloitzcuintli (hairless dog) appears in Aztec codices and sculptures, often associated with the god Xolotl and the underworld. While Aztec depictions of dogs tend to emphasize their spiritual role rather than their physical fattening, dogs were still raised for food, and their importance in daily life and ritual is well-documented.

2. Maya

The Maya also depicted dogs in their art, including ceramics and murals. Dogs appear in scenes of daily life, hunting, and ritual contexts. Some Maya figurines show dogs with rounded bodies, possibly indicating they were fattened for food or ceremonial use. The Maya valued dogs for their role as companions, guardians, and guides to the underworld, as seen in the Popol Vuh, where dogs assist the hero twins.

3. Tarascans (Purépecha)

The Tarascan civilization, located in modern-day Michoacán and contemporaneous with the Aztecs, also raised dogs for food and ritual. While their artistic depictions of dogs are less well-known than those of the Colima, archaeological evidence suggests that dogs were an important part of their diet and culture. Tarascan art tends to focus more on human and deity figures, but dogs likely played a similar practical and symbolic role.

4. Teotihuacan

Teotihuacan, one of the largest and most influential cities in ancient Mexico, has yielded some depictions of dogs in murals and ceramics. However, these depictions are less focused on the fattened appearance seen in Colima sculptures. Dogs in Teotihuacan art are often shown in symbolic or ritual contexts, reflecting their role in Mesoamerican cosmology.

5. Zapotecs

The Zapotecs of Oaxaca also included dogs in their art and rituals. While their depictions are not as numerous or detailed as those of the Colima, dogs appear in burial contexts and as figurines, suggesting their importance as companions and food sources. Zapotec art tends to emphasize human and deity figures, but dogs were undoubtedly part of their cultural and dietary practices.

Why Colima Dog Sculptures Stand Out

The Colima culture’s focus on fattened dogs in their art is unique in its emphasis on the physicality of the animals. The rounded, plump forms of the dogs suggest they were intentionally fattened, possibly for feasting or ceremonial purposes. This artistic focus may reflect the Colima’s specific cultural practices or their desire to highlight the abundance and prosperity associated with raising dogs.

Conclusion

While other contemporaneous cultures in ancient Mexico also raised and depicted dogs, the Colima culture is distinctive for its detailed and abundant sculptures of fattened dogs. Other cultures, such as the Aztecs, Maya, Tarascans, and Zapotecs, valued dogs for their practical and symbolic roles but did not emphasize their fattened form in art to the same degree. The Colima dog sculptures thus provide a unique window into the cultural and dietary practices of this ancient coastal society."

Did the Colimas worship a deity associated with dogs like the Aztec god Xolotl?

There is no direct evidence that the Colima culture worshipped a specific deity associated with dogs, unlike the Aztecs, who had Xolotl, the god closely linked to the Xoloitzcuintli (hairless dog). However, dogs held significant cultural and symbolic importance in Colima society, as evidenced by their frequent depiction in art and their role in daily life, rituals, and possibly the afterlife. Here’s a closer look at the role of dogs in Colima culture and how it compares to the Aztec association with Xolotl:

Dogs in Colima Culture

Artistic Depictions: The Colima are best known for their ceramic sculptures of fattened dogs, which suggest that dogs were valued for their role as a food source and possibly for ceremonial purposes. These sculptures often depict dogs with rounded, plump bodies, indicating they were intentionally fattened.

Ritual and Burial Practices: Dogs were sometimes buried with their owners or included in graves, suggesting they played a role in guiding the deceased to the afterlife or serving as companions in the next world. This practice aligns with broader Mesoamerican beliefs about dogs and the underworld.

Symbolism: While there is no clear evidence of a dog-associated deity in Colima, dogs may have symbolized concepts such as fertility, abundance, or protection. Their frequent depiction in art implies they held a special place in the culture’s worldview.

Comparison to Aztec Xolotl

The Aztecs had a well-defined deity, Xolotl, who was associated with dogs, particularly the Xoloitzcuintli. Xolotl was a complex figure linked to:

The underworld and the setting sun.

Guiding souls to the afterlife.

Lightning, fire, and misfortune.

Transformation and duality (often depicted as a dog-headed man or a monstrous figure).

In contrast, the Colima culture does not appear to have a similarly defined dog-associated deity. Instead, dogs seem to have been more closely tied to practical and symbolic roles in daily life and death rituals.

Possible Explanations for the Lack of a Dog Deity in Colima

Regional Differences: The Colima culture was part of the Western Mexico shaft tomb tradition, which had distinct religious practices and iconography compared to central Mexican cultures like the Aztecs. Their focus may have been more on ancestral worship and fertility rituals rather than anthropomorphized deities.

Limited Archaeological Evidence: Much of what we know about Colima comes from their ceramic art and burial practices. Without written records or more extensive archaeological findings, it is difficult to determine if they worshipped a specific dog-associated deity.

Symbolic Role Without Personification: Dogs may have been seen as important symbols or intermediaries without being personified as a deity. Their role in guiding the dead or providing sustenance could have been understood in a more abstract or practical sense.

Conclusion

While the Colima culture did not appear to worship a deity specifically associated with dogs like the Aztec Xolotl, dogs held significant cultural and symbolic importance in their society. The frequent depiction of fattened dogs in Colima art and their presence in burial contexts suggest they were valued for their practical and spiritual roles. The absence of a dog deity in Colima may reflect regional differences in religious practices or the limitations of the archaeological record. Nonetheless, dogs were clearly an integral part of Colima life and cosmology."

If you enjoyed this post, never miss out on future posts by following me by email!

Was egalitarianism a distinctive trait of the Nayarit culture of ancient west Mexico?

 by Mary Harrsch © 2025

As I continue to work on images I took of the pre-Columbian art at the de Young Museum, I asked ClaudeAI how archaeologists distinguished Nayarit artifacts from those of the Jalisco culture since the two societies at their closest proximity were only about 20 – 30 miles apart. Although there are mountain ranges between them, scholars don’t think they prevented cultural exchange.

Nayarit Village Scene 300 BCE - 300 CE courtesy of the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York City. The Met points out "There is no indication of hierarchy among the village inhabitants, although gender and age are clearly distinguished. Of the seven dancers, all adults, three are female; they wear only skirts, and their breasts are clearly depicted. The other four are male, each wearing turban-like headdress. Three pairs of figures and one small individual are placed irregularly around them, suggesting a spontaneous gathering. To the right of the small structure, an adult couple looks on, wrapped together in a single blanket. Two pairs of children, leaning casually on one another, watch from the opposite side. Another child stands just outside the circle, directly across from the small building. He places his hands on the arms of two of the dancers, as if hoping he will be allowed to join them.	Nayarit House Model 100-200 CE courtesy of the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York City
Seated Warrior Nayarit West Mexico 300 BCE - 300 CE Earthenware photographed at the de Young Museum in San Francisco, California by Mary Harrsch	Seated Warrior Nayarit West Mexico 300 BCE - 300 CE Earthenware photographed at the de Young Museum in San Francisco, California by Mary Harrsch
Earthenware female figure Nayarit West Mexico 300 BCE - 300 CE photographed at the de Young Museum in San Francisco, California by Mary Harrsch	Earthenware female figure Nayarit West Mexico 300 BCE - 300 CE photographed at the de Young Museum in San Francisco, California by Mary Harrsch
Reclining female figure earthenware Chinesco style Nayarit Mexico 300 BCE-300 CE photographed at the de Young Museum in San Francisco, California by Mary Harrsch	Reclining female figure earthenware Chinesco style Nayarit Mexico 300 BCE-300 CE photographed at the de Young Museum in San Francisco, California by Mary Harrsch
Standing female figure Nayarit West Mexico 300 BCE-300CE Earthenware photographed at the de Young Museum in San Francisco, California by Mary Harrsch	Standing female figure Nayarit West Mexico 300 BCE-300CE Earthenware photographed at the de Young Museum in San Francisco, California by Mary Harrsch
Standing male figure Nayarit West Mexico 300 BCE-300CE Earthenware photographed at the de Young Museum in San Francisco, California by Mary Harrsch	Standing male figure Nayarit West Mexico 300 BCE-300CE Earthenware photographed at the de Young Museum in San Francisco, California by Mary Harrsch
Standing Male Figure Holding a Rasp Nayarit West Mexico 300 BCE - 300 CE photographed at the de Young Museum in San Francisco, California by Mary Harrsch Earthenware	Nayarit House Model 300 BCE - 300 CE courtesy of the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York City

ClaudeAI said: “Distinguishing Nayarit artifacts from Jalisco artifacts requires careful analysis of several characteristics, as these neighboring pre-Columbian West Mexican cultures shared many similarities but also developed distinctive traits:

Geographic Distribution

• Nayarit culture was centered in the modern Mexican state of Nayarit

• Jalisco culture was primarily in the modern state of Jalisco

• There was significant overlap in border regions

Ceramic Figures and Styles

• Nayarit figures often feature more elaborate, vibrant polychrome decoration with red, cream, and black being common

• Jalisco ceramics typically have more restrained color palettes, often relying on burnished red-on-cream

• Nayarit figures frequently depict intimate domestic scenes and activities

• Jalisco is known for its hollow ceramic figures in more formal, rigid poses

Architectural Models

• Nayarit produced distinctive house models (maquetas) showing detailed domestic settings with multiple figures

• Jalisco architectural models tend to be less complex with fewer figures

Stylistic Elements

• Nayarit figures often have distinctive almond-shaped or "coffee bean" eyes with slits

• Jalisco figures typically feature more open, circular eyes

• Nayarit ceramics show more attention to detailed ornamentation like jewelry and body paint

• Jalisco works generally express more restraint in decoration

Contextual Evidence

• Archaeological context, including burial patterns and associated artifacts

• Scientific analysis techniques like thermoluminescence dating and materials analysis

These distinctions aren't always clear-cut since these cultures had significant interaction and cultural exchange. Many artifacts fall into a broader "Western Mexico" classification when specific attribution is uncertain.”

Both cultures used shaft tombs in their burial practices so I asked ClaudeAI “Did the Nayarit culture produce significant numbers of figurines depicting ill or deformed individuals like the Jalisco culture?”

Claude replied, “Yes, the Nayarit culture did produce figurines depicting individuals with illnesses or physical conditions, though with some distinctions from Jalisco examples.

Both cultures created what archaeologists sometimes call "disease figures" or "pathological figures," but there are differences in frequency and representation:

• Relative frequency: While both cultures produced such figures, the Jalisco culture is generally recognized for creating a larger corpus and greater variety of pathological representations.

• Style of representation: Nayarit disease figures tend to incorporate their characteristic stylistic elements - more elaborate polychrome decoration, expressive poses, and the distinctive "coffee bean" eyes. Jalisco figures typically show the conditions with their characteristic more restrained aesthetic.

• Types of conditions: Both cultures depicted various conditions including:

o Skeletal deformities

o Dwarfism

o Spinal conditions (kyphosis, lordosis)

o Facial abnormalities

o Various disease states

• Context: In Nayarit work, disease figures are often incorporated into their complex domestic scenes and house models, contextualizing the individuals within community settings. Jalisco figures are more frequently standalone representations.

These pathological figures from both cultures are significant to archaeologists and medical historians for what they reveal about health conditions in pre-Columbian Mesoamerica and cultural attitudes toward illness and physical difference. The figures suggest these individuals were integrated into society rather than marginalized.”

I followed up with “Jalisco figures depicting diseased or deformed individuals have been found in concentrations suggesting a healing center or shamanistic structure. This is not usual for the Nayarit then?”

Claude replied: “You're highlighting an important archaeological distinction. The concentrated deposits of Jalisco pathological figures in specific locations is indeed a notable characteristic not typically observed in the same way with Nayarit disease figures.

For Jalisco:

• Archaeologists have found significant concentrations of disease/pathological figures in specific contexts

• These concentrations have been interpreted as potentially representing healing centers, ritual spaces, or areas associated with shamanic practices

• The specialized spatial distribution suggests these figures may have had specific ritualistic or medicinal functions

For Nayarit:

• Disease figures are more commonly found distributed among broader burial contexts

• They tend to appear integrated into the domestic scenes and household models (maquetas) typical of Nayarit ceramic traditions

• There is less evidence of concentrated "specialized deposits" specifically for disease figures

• This suggests a possibly different cultural approach to illness and physical conditions - perhaps viewing them more as integrated aspects of community life rather than subjects requiring specialized ritual spaces

This difference in depositional patterns provides valuable insight into potentially different cultural approaches to health, disease, and healing between these neighboring cultures. The Jalisco pattern suggests more specialized ritual healing practices, while the Nayarit distribution pattern might indicate a more socially integrated approach to individuals with physical differences or health conditions.

That said, archaeological understanding continues to evolve with new discoveries and interpretations. There may be Nayarit healing centers yet to be discovered, or the existing evidence might be reinterpreted with future findings.”

I thought the lack of a hierarchy in religious practice may have produced a different “world view” for the Nayarit so I asked about this.

ClaudeAI said: “Archaeological evidence has provided several insights into Nayarit religious practices, though much remains to be fully understood:

Burial Practices

• Shaft tombs containing elaborate grave goods suggest beliefs about the afterlife

• Multi-chambered tombs often contained household items, suggesting preparation for afterlife needs

• Ceramic models of houses with figures performing rituals provide glimpses of ceremonial activities

Ritual Objects

• Ceramic incense burners and vessels likely used in ceremonial contexts

• Ritual bloodletting implements similar to those found throughout Mesoamerica

• Ceremonial metates (grinding stones) that appear to have non-utilitarian functions

Iconography

• Recurring motifs of animals with symbolic significance (birds, serpents, dogs)

• Figures depicting individuals in apparent trance or altered states

• Representations of possible shamanic transformation between human and animal forms

Architectural Evidence

• Some evidence of ceremonial spaces and platforms, though less monumental than other Mesoamerican cultures

• Household shrines showing domestic religious practices

Broader Cultural Context

• Similarities to other Western Mexican religious practices suggest shared cosmological beliefs

• Evidence of veneration of ancestors

• Possible connections to astronomical observations

The Nayarit, like many pre-Columbian cultures, likely had a complex worldview that integrated religion with daily life, the natural world, and social structures. Their distinctive ceramic house models with detailed human figures provide unusually intimate glimpses into the integration of ritual with domestic life, suggesting that religious practice wasn't strictly separated from everyday activities.

The absence of extensive written records makes it challenging to understand the specifics of their belief system, though continued archaeological work continues to reveal new details about their religious practices.”

“But no distinctive religious structures?” I asked.

Claude replied, “You're highlighting an important archaeological observation. Unlike many other Mesoamerican cultures that built prominent pyramids, temples, or other monumental religious architecture, the Nayarit culture has not yielded evidence of large-scale, distinctive religious structures.

This apparent absence of monumental religious architecture is notable and suggests several possibilities:

1. Their religious practices may have been more decentralized and integrated into household or community spaces rather than concentrated in specialized temple complexes

2. Religious ceremonies might have been conducted in natural settings (caves, mountains, springs) that wouldn't leave obvious architectural remains

3. They may have used perishable materials (wood, thatch) for their ceremonial structures that haven't survived in the archaeological record

4. The focus on elaborate shaft tombs suggests their religious emphasis may have been more on funerary practices and ancestor veneration than on public ceremonial architecture

5. Some platforms and modified spaces identified at Nayarit sites might have had religious functions that aren't immediately recognizable as "temples" in the conventional sense

This characteristic distinguishes them from contemporaneous cultures in Central Mexico and the Maya region, where monumental religious architecture was prominent. It's one of the distinctive features of Western Mexican cultures like the Nayarit that has led archaeologists to recognize them as following somewhat different cultural trajectories than other Mesoamerican civilizations.

The elaborate household models (maquetas) found in tombs, with their detailed depictions of various activities, might actually provide clues that domestic spaces were more central to their religious life than specialized temple structures.

While both cultures were part of the broader West Mexican tradition and shared many characteristics (especially their shaft tomb traditions), the archaeological record suggests some differences in their approaches to ceremonial architecture:

• The Jalisco culture appears to have had more dedicated ceremonial spaces and structures, including the healing centers or shamanistic structures you mentioned earlier where disease figures were concentrated

• Nayarit sites show less evidence of specialized religious structures, possibly indicating a more household-centered or decentralized approach to religious practices

This architectural distinction aligns with other differences we've discussed:

• Jalisco's concentrated deposits of pathological figures in potential healing centers

• Nayarit's integration of similar figures into domestic scenes and household models

These patterns might reflect meaningful differences in how these neighboring cultures organized their religious and healing practices—Jalisco potentially developing more specialized ritual spaces and practitioners, while Nayarit possibly maintained more integrated community approaches to both religion and health.”

Switching to ChatGPT I asked, “Would this reflect a difference in egalitarianism or development of trade with a more urbanized society?”

“The presence of healing centers with shamanic practices in Jalisco but not in neighboring Nayarit likely reflects both differences in social organization and varying degrees of interaction with urbanized societies. Several key factors could explain this divergence:

1. Social Structure: Egalitarianism vs. Hierarchy

• The Jalisco culture’s emphasis on healing centers suggests a specialized role for healers or shamans, which may indicate a more hierarchical or stratified society where certain individuals held specialized religious and medical authority.

• In contrast, the Nayarit culture, despite its elaborate shaft tombs and figurative traditions, may have maintained a more egalitarian social structure, where healing was a household or communal activity rather than a centralized practice.

2. Trade and Interaction with Urbanized Cultures

• Jalisco’s healing centers may indicate influence from or trade with larger Mesoamerican urban centers, such as Teotihuacán, where organized healing and spiritual practices were more formalized.

• The presence of figurines depicting disease and deformity could imply knowledge of urban plagues, congenital conditions, or warfare-related injuries, which might have been more common in societies with greater movement of people and goods.

• Nayarit’s relative lack of similar centers might suggest a less intense connection to major urban centers or a cultural preference for decentralized healing traditions.

3. Regional Environmental and Economic Differences

• If Jalisco had a more diverse economy tied to trade networks, it might have absorbed medical and spiritual practices from neighboring urbanized societies.

• Nayarit, with its coastal and riverine environment, may have had a more self-sufficient healing tradition, relying on communal knowledge rather than institutionalized healing centers.

Conclusion

The presence of healing centers in Jalisco but not in Nayarit suggests both a difference in social organization (more hierarchical vs. more egalitarian) and differing levels of contact with urbanized trade networks. Jalisco’s cultural development may have been shaped by greater exposure to outside influences, leading to specialized healing roles, whereas Nayarit maintained a more localized and less formalized approach to health and ritual practice.

Then I asked, “Have objects associated with Teotihuacán been found in Jalisco contexts but not Nayarit contexts?”

So far, apparently, extensive excavations of the Guachimontones pyramids near Tequila, Jalisco and ruins of Teocaltitán in Los Altos, Jalisco have not revealed any identifiable Teotihuacán artifacts within these contexts.

Since ClaudeAI did not mention the presence of pyramids as religious structures in Nayarit, I asked if they did have pyramids, though.

ChatGPT replied, “Yes, monumental structures, including pyramids, have been discovered at archaeological sites in Nayarit, Mexico.

Notable examples include:

Ixtlán del Río (Los Toriles): This site features a variety of pre-Hispanic structures, among them pyramidal platforms. Located near the town of Ixtlán del Río, Los Toriles is part of the Aztlán tradition that flourished in the region from approximately 300 BCE. The site includes a museum showcasing unearthed artifacts.

Jala: Near the town of Jala, there is an archaeological site featuring one of the few round-based pyramids found in Mexico. This site is thought to date back to around 700 CE.

Banderas Bay Region: Archaeological investigations have identified at least 111 sites along the coast of Puerto Vallarta and Riviera Nayarit. Among these discoveries is a ball game court and a 10-meter-high pyramid near a school and soccer field in the Ixtapa area, located a short distance inland from the coast.

Archaeologists have proposed several theories regarding the purpose of the pyramidal structures found in Nayarit, Mexico:

1. Ritualistic Functions:

• Some scholars suggest that these pyramids served ceremonial purposes, possibly linked to the worship of deities such as Ehecatl-Quetzalcoatl, the feathered serpent god associated with wind. The rounded architecture of certain pyramids might have been designed to complement the omnidirectional nature of the wind, aligning with the characteristics of this deity.

2. Astronomical Observatories:

• Discoveries in western Mexico, including Nayarit, indicate that some pyramidal structures functioned as astronomical observatories. These edifices were strategically constructed to align with solar events, aiding in the observation of celestial bodies and the tracking of time for agricultural and ceremonial purposes.

3. Funerary Practices:

• The region is renowned for its shaft tomb tradition, where deep vertical shafts lead to burial chambers. It's plausible that certain pyramidal structures were erected above these tombs, serving as monumental markers for the interred, reflecting the community's reverence for their ancestors.

4. Symbolic Representation:

• Some archaeologists propose that these pyramids were constructed to resemble nearby volcanoes, such as the Tequila volcano. This design choice might symbolize a connection to the land's natural features, emphasizing the community's relationship with their environment.”

“So the Nayarit possibly had formal religious structures but this cultural practice did not extend to centralized care for the ill or deformed?” I asked.

“That seems to be the case based on the available evidence. The presence of pyramidal structures in Nayarit suggests formalized religious or ceremonial practices, but there is no clear indication of centralized care for the ill or deformed, as seen in Jalisco with its figurine assemblages depicting illness and deformity.

This difference could be attributed to various factors:

1. Cultural Priorities – Nayarit societies may have placed more emphasis on religious rituals and ancestor veneration (as seen in the shaft tomb tradition) rather than on communal healing practices.

2. Socioeconomic Organization – Jalisco might have had a more structured society with specialized roles, including healers or shamans, whereas Nayarit may have been more decentralized, lacking a formalized system for caring for the sick.

3. Trade and External Influences – If Jalisco had stronger connections with Teotihuacán or other urban centers, it might have adopted certain practices, including specialized healing traditions, while Nayarit remained more insular.

4. Different Conceptions of Health and Disability – Nayarit societies may not have viewed illness and deformity in the same way as Jalisco. Some cultures saw these conditions as signs of spiritual power rather than ailments requiring treatment,” ChatGPT replied.

If you enjoyed this post, never miss out on future posts by following me by email!